Here is an edited transcript of the interview:
Q:
It has been three and a half years since the National League for
Democracy took the reins of government. How do you view your political
achievements so far, and the implementation of democracy in Myanmar?
A:
Political achievement has to be seen in different ways. We are, of
course, as you know we are a union made up of many ethnic groups but we
are still trying to achieve peace within our country because there has
been armed conflict since ... well, ever since we became independent.
So
with the regard to the peace process, we have the 21st Century Panglong
[peace conference] and we've been making progress. We've had three
meetings, and in spite of of all the difficulties, at each meeting we've
been able to go to forward, at least a little bit. The last meeting, we
thought, was going to be difficult, but we still managed to make
progress.
So I think we can say that the most important part of
our political agenda, the peace process, is progressing. Not, perhaps,
as quickly as we might wish, but actually no slower than expected,
because you cannot solve a problem that has been alive for more than,
well, more than 70 years, in three years. It would be very over
optimistic of us to imagine that this would be possible.
Q:
NLD has proposed amending the constitution to the parliament. What
constitutional changes do you support to advance democracy in Myanmar?
What are your goals for political reform?
A:
If you have been following the debate in the parliament, you will know
that there are many amendments that we have suggested. But basically,
the amendments are aimed at achieving what we would see as the
achievement of a complete democracy. At the moment, of course, our
democracy is not complete. To give a very, very obvious example: 25% of
the representatives are not elected. And we believe that for a democracy
to be wholly complete, all the representatives must be elected. That is
the basis, and there are other parts of the constitution which need to
be changed in order to ensure that the sovereignty of the nation
actually resides in the people.
The military still holds significant power in
Myanmar, partly due to a clause in the constitution that guarantees 25%
of seats in parliament are allotted to the military.
© AP
Q: What is the prospect for constitutional changes?
A:
We believe the change will come, but how quickly it will come is
difficult for us to predict because constitutions, after all, are made
by men. And we do not see why a man-made constitution cannot be changed.
It will ... of course there is resistance, as you probably know, and
this has to be overcome. And it has to be overcome in the way which will
not upset the unity and tranquillity of our country.
Q: So what is the reaction so far?
A:
Well, so far we have been debating in our parliament and as I've
noticed, the military are not overly enthusiastic about the amendments
that we have suggested.
Q: Do you see some room for compromise?
A:
The people are behind us. And I feel that is what is most important. I
really believe that in a democracy, we have to believe that the will of
the people will prevail. And it has always prevailed, sooner or later.
Q: Do you think some constitutional changes can be achieved before the next election?
A:
That is difficult to say, and we are not building hopes for the next
election on our ability to bring about constitution amendments within
the next year.
Q: Some say the pace of the political and
economic reform in the country has been rather slow under the NLD
administration. It's been observed, in some Asian countries, that
autocratic regimes are doing better at developing the economy than
democratic governments. How would you respond to that?
A:
I think we go for the sustainability. Speed and sustainability ...
sustainability is much, much preferable. So we want to go for the kind
of changes that would be sustainable, and as I said earlier, we want to
do it in such a way that we don't upset either the tranquillity or the
unity of our nation. That means we have to go slow when it's necessary
to go slow. It is no use pushing a process if that is going to result in
the kind of upset that is going to affect our long-term progress.
Q: Getting to the issue of fractures in Myanmar, how and when do you think you can achieve true peace?
A:
Peace. Peace is not easy to achieve. If people had wanted to bring
political changes through peaceful means, they would not have taken to
arms in the first place.
As you know, the NLD worked for democracy
for about 30 years and we adhere very, very strictly to the principle
of nonviolence. And that, perhaps, has taken us longer than it might
have otherwise. But I think this has had very positive results in the
sense that we can always stand up and say, "We've always stood for
nonviolence." And I think our people depend on us and believe in us
because we believe in nonviolence.
Q: Turning to the
economy, since NLD came to power, the country has been very successful
in maintaining over 6% economic growth. But some point out Myanmar's
economy relies too much on China. Trade with China accounts for more
than 30% of the total, and 40% of external public debt is provided by
China. How do you view your economic relations with China? Do you see a
need for more balanced economic ties with other countries?
A:
We've got good relations with China and we want to maintain good
relations with countries all over the world. So if you want more of
other types of investment, then I think you'd better encourage Japanese
businesses to come in and invest.
Q: But how do you see China's growing economic influence in the country?
A:
We see China as a friend, as we see Japan as a friend. And I think it
is not right to make people choose between friends. Our country has
maintained a very neutral and, in my opinion, a very common-sensical
foreign policy ever since we became independent. [Because] we are a
small nation, not yet developed, we [were] never at the stage where we
were able to call the shots, as it were.
We've always maintained
that our foreign policy will be vibrant and independent, and based on
friendship towards all nations. So we welcome all friends who are happy
to cooperate with us. And we would not like our country to become a bone
of contention for any other group of countries.
Suu Kyi with Chinese President Xi Jinping: The
state counselor played down the growing influence of China, saying that
"we have good relations with China and we want to maintain good
relations with countries all over the world."
© AP
Q: Before talking about
relations with Japan, maybe you need to expand economic relations more
with the U.S. and European governments and companies. How are you going
to develop those relationships?
A: Well,
we are open to engagement from all sides. But of course, it takes two
to engage. It's not for us to say this country should come to invest or
that country should come invest. They should be interested in investing
as well. And the kind of investment that we look forward to is one that
will be mutually beneficial.
We accept that foreign investors come
in because they hope to reap certain profits from the investment. And
we are totally in favor of that. We understand that. We accept that. But
we also should benefit from the investment. So investment should work
both ways: It should be beneficial for all parties involved. But of
course we cannot just force people come in and invest in our country. We
can only invite them. And we can show them what we have to offer, and
they must show us what they have to offer.
Q: To
accelerate economic growth in your country, a priority will be to
develop industrial infrastructure. In particular, electric power is
essential to promote investment in manufacturing. What role do you hope
to see Japan play in that area?
A: We've
always known that the most important sectors for us to develop were
communications and energy, that is to say physical communications, as
well as the energy sector. And this is what we have been concentrating
on. And we do understand the need for better electricity provision for
potential investors. And if Japan is interested in investing in the
energy sector, you have only to tell us and we could possibly work out
the kind of agreement that is beneficial for both of us: for your
investments as well as for our people.
Because our people also
need energy. They also need electricity for their everyday purposes, as
well as for industries, because we have noticed that whenever we manage
to improve the infrastructure -- that is to say, simple road
communication and provide electricity, the local people start creating
jobs for themselves.
When we first took over the administration in
2016, our first priority was job creation. But then we noticed, over a
matter of months, that job creation followed if we provided roads. That
is, all-weather roads, because our country is a monsoon country, and it
is very important that we should have roads that are accessible for 12
months of the year. And we saw that by providing all-weather roads and
providing electricity, the local people start creating their own
opportunities for job creation. So certainly, energy is one of our top
priorities.
Q:
Myanmar, Japan and Thailand have been talking about development in
Dawei for a long time. Have you seen any progress with that project?
A:
Well, we would like you to move faster, but as you mentioned earlier,
democracy moves a little more slowly then authoritarianism systems
because we have to consult so many different sectors. And as you know,
although we are not a wholly federal nation, this is what we are working
towards. And Dawei is in the Tenasserim region [or] Tanintharyi region.
So we have to also take into consideration the concerns of the regional
government, and of course the local peoples, as well as the concerns of
the central government. These two have to be enmeshed with the needs of
would-be investors.
Q: With regards to communication infrastructure, what is the priority for the government? Is it 5G networks?
A:
Well, we have the simple, basic needs as well as advanced, today's
needs. We need to say, we're not just thinking in terms of IT
development and communications at that level. As I said earlier, we have
to address very basic communications problem of roads as well. Because
that is a very practical need.
I think many people think of roads
as huge highways, but we have to think of roads in terms of roads
connecting villages as well. Because that is basic to our social needs,
for instance, education and health, because we don't have hospitals in
every village. And we have to have health facilities which are
accessible to villages in many parts of the country. And as you know,
about 75% our population still lives in rural areas.
But with
regard to modern technology, our people are very quick to latch onto
this. And I think ... you probably know that the percentage of
smartphone use is very high now in our country. It has leaped over 80%
over the last two years.
Q: With respect to foreign direct
investment, another focus of your government is official corruption.
How are you tackling this issue?
A:
Well, I think we have to do it in two ways. One, of course, is to punish
those who are corrupt. Well, let's put it as three ways: the other is
to make sure that, particularly our civil servants, don't need to be
corrupt, in the sense that we want to provide them with sufficient means
for leading a dignified and meaningful life. And thirdly, I think we
have to change people's mindsets.
I'm happy to say that corruption
is not yet accepted in our country as a "normal" situation. Our people
are not proud of corruption. No Burmese would ever admit to being
corrupt with pride. They will always deny that there's any corruption
involved, which is a good sign. It means they do accept that corruption
is wrong, whereas in some societies, corruption is accepted as part of
everyday life.
So with regards to the mindset, which is supposed
to be most difficult to change, I think we have basic values that will
help us make progress there. And of course, we now have laws and
regulations and we have a very active Anti-corruption Commission. And
with regard to the situation of civil servants, we're trying our best to
provide them with the kind of facilities that will allow them to lead
meaningful and dignified lives without resorting to corruption.
Suu Kyi defended the crackdown against the
Muslim minority group Rohingya, saying it was in response to a
"terrorist attack."
© Reuters
Q: I would like to move on
to the Rakhine State crisis. In the last three years, the Myanmar
government has been criticized in the West for failing to deal with the
situation. The statelessness of Muslims has not been resolved and very
few refugees have returned. How are you going to solve this problem?
A:
We have been trying. We are aware of the fact that there were long-term
problems in Rakhine, ever since we came into the administration. And
our administration took over at the end of March 2016. And by the end of
May [of that year], we had already formed the central commission for
the rule of law and development in Rakhine. Because we knew there were
long-standing problems there that stem from lack of rule of law and lack
of development.
It is not a religious issue, as some people are
trying to make it out to be. It is very much an economic and social
issue. But more economic and social problems arise out of the economic
difficulties.
Rakhine is one of the poorest, least developed parts
of our country, but actually the potential there is enormous. It has
just not been developed in the proper way. So we formed this commission
in May [2016], and then a couple of months later we approached Dr. Kofi
Annan [the former U.N. secretary-general] to head a commission to help
us with resolving the social problems in Rakhine.
And almost as
soon as we had arranged this, the first terrorist attack took place. And
we are of the opinion that there are certain extremist elements who do
not want peace in Rakhine -- who do not want a solution to the problems
in Rakhine -- because for many terrorists, problems are what they thrive
on.
And if there is development and tranquility, and there is
understanding between two different communities, there is no room left
for terrorism. So we are disappointed in the fact that the international
community has paid very little attention to the terrorist element of
the problems in Rakhine. We understand their concerns about human
rights. And with regard to statelessness, I think you need to go much
more deeply into the citizenship laws and the possibilities that are
offered, not just to people in Rakhine but to people all throughout the
country.
There is talk about the national verification cards being
targeted specifically at people in Rakhine. It's not true at all. This
is something that applies throughout the country. And all of us have to
go through that process, even all of us who are born of two ethnic --
Myanmar ethnic -- parents. We have to go through the process of national
verification. Once at age 12, again at age 18, and then at the age of
30. This is part of a national process. And the focus of those who do
not understand the situation has just been on particular spots that
interest them. But for us, we have to be interested in the whole
country. Rakhine is just one of the problems and challenges that we have
to face. It's not the whole of our challenges of our country.
Q:
I understand your position. But in order to extend business ties with
the U.S. and Europe, maybe you need to solve this problem?
A:
We want to solve this problem, not in order to advance business ties
with any other countries but because it's necessary for the peace and
stability of our country. And that is the main reason why we want to
solve the problems in Rakhine. And that's how we want to resolve them:
in a way that will be sustainable and ensure peace and development in
Rakhine and in other parts of our country. Because our country is whole.
There may be different parts to it, but all these parts are connected.
And we all have to develop and go forward together.
Q: The
next general election is going to take place in November 2020. What are
the prospects for the NLD, and what kind of future vision are you going
to propose to your constituencies?
A: I
think, in the end, it's for the people to decide what their future is
going to be. It's not for any party to say, "This is going to be your
future." All we can do is put forward our ideas and our suggestions as
to what might possibly be the best future for all of us to work towards.
And
I never talk about what the possible outcome of an election might be. I
always say that I'm not an astrologer, and it's not my job to see what
is going to happen in the future. My job is only to try [my] best to
make sure that our party does well.
Q: I wonder how you
are going to engage with the new government after the election? Your
position as State Counselor will legally end by 2021. What kind of
position do you expect to assume? Do you have any plans for retirement?
A: Let's find out first what kind of new government we get and then we'll decide other things.
Q: Do you have any plans for retirement?
A:
Oh, I think, one always should have several plans. You can't just
depend on one plan for the future. You always have to have several
alternatives, and then you choose the one that is most suited to
whatever the future outcome might be.
Q: And what is the plan for your successor? Do you have any ideas right now?
A:
Well, in our party, of course, we have a very fixed hierarchy, as I'm
sure you're aware of. And we hope that this will be maintained, and we
hope we will make very regular and stable progress in the ranks of our
party.
Q: Just one follow-up question about the succession
of the leadership in the country in the longer term. From your three
and a half years of leadership in Myanmar, what kind of characteristics
will be required to lead this very complicated and challenging country?
A: I think hard work. I believe in hard work.
Interviewed
by Nikkei Editor-in-Chief Tetsuya Iguchi, Nikkei Editor-in-Chief,
Editorial Headquarters for Asia Toru Takahashi and Nikkei Staff writer
Yuichi Nitta.
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